From Partition to Present: The India-Pakistan Conflict and the Imperative for Global Action
Introduction
The partition of British India in 1947, a
seismic event that birthed Pakistan, set the stage for one of the most
intractable geopolitical conflicts of the modern era.
The partition of British India was not merely a territorial reconfiguration but a profound ideological schism. The Two-Nation Theory, championed by the Muslim League under Muhammad Ali Jinnah, argued that Muslims required a separate homeland to safeguard their religious and cultural identity. This premise, inherently antithetical to pluralism, laid the foundation for Pakistan's national identity. The violence of partition, resulting in over one million deaths and the displacement of millions, underscored the fragility of this ideological experiment. While India adopted a constitution that enshrined secularism and democratic governance, Pakistan struggled to reconcile its religious foundation with the demands of modern statehood. The early years of Pakistan's existence were marked by political instability, with frequent military interventions culminating in the dominance of the Pakistan Army and its intelligence arm, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). This military-intelligence complex has since shaped Pakistan's domestic and foreign policies, prioritising strategic depth through proxy warfare over democratic institution-building.
Pakistan's fixation on Jammu and Kashmir, a princely state that legally acceded to India in 1947 under the Instrument of Accession, became the epicentre of its rivalry with India. The first Indo-Pakistani War (1947–1948) saw Pakistan-backed tribal militias attempt to seize Kashmir, setting a precedent for its use of irregular forces to challenge India's sovereignty. The United Nations Resolution 47, adopted in 1948, called for Pakistan to withdraw all forces from the occupied territories as a prerequisite for a plebiscite, a condition Pakistan has never fulfilled. Instead, Pakistan has maintained control over parts of Kashmir, known as Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Gilgit-Baltistan, through military coercion, denying residents fundamental political and civil rights. This illegal occupation, coupled with Pakistan's sponsorship of insurgency in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir, has perpetuated instability in South Asia, undermining prospects for peace and cooperation.
Pakistan's Institutionalised Terrorism: A Comprehensive Record
Pakistan's support for terrorism is not a series of isolated incidents but a deliberate and institutionalised strategy orchestrated by the ISI and the Pakistan Army. This section provides a comprehensive overview of major terrorist attacks directed by Pakistan, focusing on their impact on India, the region, and the global community. The evidence, drawn from credible sources, underscores the systematic nature of Pakistan's actions and the urgent need for international intervention.
The 1993 Bombay Bombings
On 12 March 1993, a series of 12 coordinated bomb blasts rocked Bombay (now Mumbai), targeting key infrastructure, including the Bombay Stock Exchange and prominent hotels. The attacks killed 257 people and injured over 700, marking one of the deadliest terrorist incidents in India's history. Investigations revealed the involvement of Pakistan-based underworld figure Dawood Ibrahim, whose D-Company syndicate operated with ISI support. The bombings were a retaliatory response to communal riots in Bombay, and further scale and sophistication pointed to state-backed logistics. The economic disruption was profound, with the Bombay Stock Exchange temporarily halting operations, and the psychological toll on India's financial capital was immense. Pakistan's failure to extradite Dawood Ibrahim, who remains a fugitive in Karachi, exemplifies its unwillingness to confront its role in terrorism.
The 2001 Indian Parliament Attack
On 13 December 2001, five gunmen stormed the Indian Parliament in New Delhi, killing nine people, including security personnel, and injuring 18 others. The attack, executed by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), aimed to decapitate India's political leadership and destabilise its democracy. Indian intelligence traced the operation to ISI handlers, who provided training and logistical support to the perpetrators. The attack precipitated a major military standoff, with India and Pakistan mobilising troops along the Line of Control (LoC), raising fears of nuclear escalation. The international community, including the United States, condemned the attack, but Pakistan's refusal to ban LeT and JeM underscored its complicity.
The 2008 Mumbai Attacks
The 26 November 2008 Mumbai attacks, often
referred to as India's 9/11, represent the zenith of Pakistan's terrorist
enterprise. Ten LeT operatives, trained in camps in Pakistan-administered
Kashmir, launched a 60-hour siege on Mumbai, targeting luxury hotels, a railway
station, a Jewish community centre, and a café. The attacks killed 166 people,
including 26 foreigners, and injured over 300. Intercepted communications
between the attackers and their handlers in Pakistan confirmed ISI involvement,
with real-time instructions relayed from a control room in Karachi. The global
impact was significant, straining India-Pakistan relations and prompting
widespread condemnation. Hafiz Saeed, LeT us founder, continued to operate
freely in Pakistan, delivering public speeches despite being designated a
terrorist by the United Nations.
On 18 September 2016, four JeM militants
attacked an Indian Army base in Uri, Jammu and Kashmir, killing 19 soldiers.
The attack, one of the deadliest on Indian forces in decades, was traced to JeM
operatives trained in Pakistan. India responded with surgical strikes on
terrorist launchpads across the LoC, marking a shift towards a more assertive
counterterrorism policy. The attack heightened tensions, with India accusing
Pakistan of harbouring JeM leader Masood Azhar, who remains at large despite UN
sanctions.
On 14 February 2019, a suicide bomber from JeM
rammed an explosive-laden vehicle into a convoy of Indian paramilitary forces
in Pulwama, Jammu and Kashmir, killing 40 personnel. The attack, claimed by
JeM, was the deadliest in Kashmir in three decades. Indian intelligence linked
the operation to Pakistan-based handlers, prompting India to conduct airstrikes
on JeM camps in Balakot, Pakistan. The international community, including the
Financial Action Task Force (FATF), intensified scrutiny of Pakistan's terror
financing, but its grey-listing has failed to curb state support for groups
like JeM.
On 22 April 2025, gunmen attacked tourists in
Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, killing 26 people, mostly Hindus, in the deadliest
attack on civilians in the region since 2000. Indian intelligence traced the
attackers to safehouses in Karachi and Muzaffarabad, with forensic evidence
suggesting a control room similar to that used in the 2008 Mumbai attacks.
Survivors reported that the attackers targeted victims based on religion,
asking them to recite Islamic verses. The attack reignited India-Pakistan
tensions, with India suspending the Indus Waters Treaty and expelling Pakistani
diplomats. Pakistan's denial of involvement, coupled with its closure of
airspace and trade routes, underscored its refusal to address its role
as a terror sponsor.
Pakistan's terrorism has not been confined to
India. The Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani Network, both nurtured by the ISI,
have destabilised Afghanistan with attacks such as the 2008 Indian Embassy
bombing in Kabul and the 2011 assault on the US Embassy. In Bangladesh, the ISI
has been linked to the 2016 Dhaka café attack by Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen
Bangladesh, which killed 22 people. In Europe, British Pakistanis trained in
Pakistani camps have been implicated in plots like the 2004 fertiliser bomb
conspiracy, highlighting Pakistan's global reach.
Pakistan's possession of nuclear weapons,
estimated at 165 warheads, amplifies the threat posed by its terrorist
activities. Its doctrine of "full-spectrum deterrence" relies
on nuclear posturing to deter conventional retaliation, effectively shielding
its proxy warfare. The 2001 Parliament attack and the 2019 Pulwama crisis
brought India and Pakistan perilously close to nuclear conflict, illustrating
the risks of this strategy. The porous boundary between Pakistan's military and
jihadist groups raises the spectre of nuclear materials falling into extremist
hands, a scenario that demands pre-emptive international action.
India, as a vibrant democracy and a
responsible global power, is uniquely positioned to lead the charge in
derecognising Pakistan as a legitimate nation-state. Derecognition is not
merely a symbolic act but a legal and strategic necessity grounded in international
law. The Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933)
stipulates that statehood requires a defined territory, a permanent population,
a government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states.
Pakistan's persistent violation of international norms through its sponsorship
of terrorism, illegal occupation of Kashmir, and failure to govern PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan
constitutionally undermines its claim to statehood.
The international community must abandon the
false equivalency between India, a secular democracy committed to global norms,
and Pakistan, a state that weaponised terrorism. Neutrality in this context is
tantamount to complicity. Western governments, particularly the United States
and the United Kingdom, have historically engaged Pakistan for strategic
reasons, such as its role in the Afghanistan conflict. However, this pragmatism
has yielded diminishing returns, as Pakistan's duplicity has undermined
counterterrorism efforts and prolonged regional instability.
First, the United Nations Security Council
should designate Pakistan as a state sponsor of terrorism, building on the
FATF's grey listing and the sanctions against LeT and JeM leaders. Second,
economic sanctions should target Pakistan's military-intelligence complex,
freezing assets and restricting travel for key figures. Third, military aid to
Pakistan, which has been used to bolster its terrorist infrastructure, must
cease entirely. Finally, legal action under the Rome Statute and UN conventions
should hold Pakistani officials accountable for crimes against humanity,
including their role in sponsoring terrorism.
Pakistan's behaviour aligns it with other
rogue states—North Korea, Iran, and Syria—characterised by defiance of
international norms, sponsorship of terrorism, and threats to global stability.
North Korea's nuclear programme, with an estimated 50 warheads, mirrors
Pakistan's brinkmanship, using nuclear threats to deter intervention while
pursuing aggressive policies. Like Pakistan, North Korea has leveraged its
arsenal to extract concessions, such as sanctions relief, while maintaining a
repressive regime. However, Pakistan's active sponsorship of transnational
terrorism, exemplified by the Pahalgam attack, surpasses North Korea's focus on
domestic control and missile tests.
The India-Pakistan conflict, rooted in the
ideological divisions of partition, has evolved into a global challenge due to
Pakistan's institutionalised terrorism. From the 1993 Bombay bombings to the
2025 Pahalgam attack, Pakistan's actions have inflicted immense human and
economic costs, destabilised South Asia, and threatened the international
order. Far from conferring legitimacy, its nuclear arsenal amplifies the
urgency of addressing its rogue behaviour.
Prashant Shukla is the
Chairman of the Ireland India Council, a prominent platform fostering dialogue
on South Asian affairs, diaspora engagement, and global cooperation. With
extensive publications on migration, geopolitics, and economic policy, Shukla
is recognised as a leading voice advocating for democratic values,
counterterrorism, and regional stability. His work bridges Ireland, India, and
the international community, promoting policies that advance peace, justice,
and sustainable development.
Atran, S. (2003). Genesis of Suicide
Terrorism. Science, 299(5612), 1534–1539.
Bloom, M. (2005). Dying to Kill: The Allure
of Suicide Terror. New York: Columbia University Press.
Daraz, U., et al. (2012). Socioeconomic and
Psychological Impacts of Terrorism in Pakistan. Journal of Social Sciences,
8(3), 345–356.
Horgan, J. (2008). From Profiles to Pathways
and Roots to Routes: Perspectives from Psychology on Radicalization into
Terrorism. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science, 618(1), 80–94.
Sageman, M. (2004). Understanding Terror
Networks. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Silke, A. (ed.) (2003). Terrorists, Victims
and Society: Psychological Perspectives on Terrorism and its Consequences.
Chichester: John Wiley & Sons.
Wadhwani, R. (2011). Essay on Terrorism in
Pakistan: Its Causes, Impacts and Remedies. Civil Service Pakistan Forum, 28
September.
Congressional Research Service (2003).
Terrorism in Southeast Asia. Washington, DC: Library of Congress.
European Foundation for South Asian Studies
(n.d.). Pakistan Army and Terrorism: An Unholy Alliance. Brussels: EFSAS.
Financial Action Task Force (2022).
Jurisdictions under Increased Monitoring. Paris: FATF.
Institute for Economics and Peace (2025).
Global Terrorism Index 2024. Sydney: IEP.
National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism
and Responses to Terrorism (2024). Global Terrorism Database. College Park:
University of Maryland.
South Asia Terrorism Portal (n.d.). Terrorism
in Pakistan: Yearly Fatalities. New Delhi: SATP.
United Nations Security Council (1948).
Resolution 47: The India-Pakistan Question. New York: UN.
United States Department of State (2019).
Country Reports on Terrorism 2019. Washington, DC: Bureau of Counterterrorism.
United States Department of State (2022).
Country Reports on Terrorism 2022. Washington, DC: Bureau of Counterterrorism.
United States Department of State (2023).
Pakistan: International Religious Freedom Report. Washington, DC: Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
Comments